Most people's New Year resolutions have to do with a new commitment to act in accordance with one's values. Little thought is given to the identification of the course of action that will lead to the realization of those values. Most non-Objectivists, especially those of the Pragmatist kind, consider the relation between values and actions intuitively obvious. Given what we now know, from advances in cognitive science, about the fallibility of intuition, an Objectivist will start the New Year with a principled, conceptual analysis of the actions needed to actualize one's values. The most general principles relating action to values constitute a strategy for the achievement of those values.
Why do Objectivists need a radical new strategy? Since Objectivism is the system of philosophical principles identified by Ayn Rand, is it not enough to follow Ayn Rand's own strategy from, say, 1964, as many Objectivists have been doing for much of the year 2009? Well, no, it isn't. Ayn Rand's 1964 strategy, in the Goldwater campaign, was so counterproductive to the achievement of Objectivist values that she never again collaborated with a Conservative (or "Libertarian") campaign or organization. The main result of 1964 was that by the end of the year, Ayn Rand's name was on the lips of multitudes of Libertarians and Conservatives, millions of whom would have called themselves Objectivists if Ayn Rand had not been alive to stop them. The subsequent drift of Conservatives in the direction of advocating a Christian Theocracy for America, and the drift of Libertarians toward advocating Anarchism - and the political empowerment derived by both from ripping off Ayn Rand's sound bites for use as slogans, in causes fundamentally opposed to her values of individual rights and of individuals using their minds in the service of their own lives and their happiness on Earth - have demonstrated Ayn Rand's wisdom in dissociating her philosophy from such followers. Rand herself followed a new strategy after 1964. By July 1966, she was ready to start publishing, in The Objectivist, her Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology.
In 2009, the same mindless multitudes of Libertarians and Conservatives found themselves again in need of slogans, and once again drafted Ayn Rand (who, being dead, could no longer object) into their service. In the intervening years, American Conservatives had became outright Christianists. As I documented in October (Three Democides by False Morality: Part III, The Ban On Cloning) the Conservative/Christianist movement eventually allied itself with the worst elements of the anti-technology Left to produce a de-facto (and increasingly de-jure) ban on medical research into cloning-based technologies to reverse organ failure. (And NO, this is not about stem cells: read my essay.) Man's natural lifespan is the lifespan that humans would enjoy by the natural use of Man's natural organ of survival: our minds. For every year of delay in the development of cloning-based cures for organ failure, around 3.8 million individual humans will die (more accurately, will have been murdered by the ban on cloning) short of their natural lifespan. We are now in the 12th year of the de-facto ban: a rough estimate of the number of individuals already murdered by our Christianists ("Conservatives") is 45 million and counting. Other things being equal, a human living today is ten million times more likely to die of Christianist democide than of Islamist terrorism. Yet while in 2009 many Objectivists spoke and wrote about the Islamist threat, the ongoing Christianist democide remains largely unmentioned, even among Objectivists, possibly from fear of alienating potential "allies" (of Objectivism?) in the Conservative movement.
Exposure of Ayn Rand and Objectivism in Conservative media has the direct negative consequence of energizing Conservative activism and bringing more Conservative politicians to power. This can only perpetuate the ongoing democidal restraints on medical cloning research, as well as conservative strangling of individual rights in the areas of freedom of speech, abortion, immigration, sexuality, medical relief of pain; and promote the ongoing subjectivization of "criminal justice," and, more generally, government-enforced adherence to Christian "moral standards." The supposed benefit is greater exposure of Objectivism. In the case of the more naive sections of the public, especially those indoctrinated into an anti-conceptual mentality by the Pragmatist comprachicos who run America's schools, this will mean greater use among the public of Ayn Rand quotes, not as principles but as slogans. More will self-identify as "Objectivists" and thus associate Objectivism, in the minds of their friends, contacts and neighbors, with whatever nonsense those self-identified "Objectivists" happen to favor. At the top, eventually we will find self-identified "Objectivists" in positions of political power. Given the enormous harm done to the reputation of Ayn Rand and Objectivism by just one Objectivism-plated Pragmatist, Alan Greenspan, the harm that could be done by future herds of Objectivism-plated Libertarians and Objectivism-plated Conservatives is best left to the imagination.
In "It Is Earlier Than You Think," published in December 1964, Ayn Rand demonstrates a method for formulating a new strategy. But to use her method in 2010, one must first account for what has changed.
In 1964, Marxism was the only significant ideology of academics around the world. Its only secular competitor in America was Pragmatism, an anti-intellectual anti-ideology relegated mainly to Schools of Education. Supernaturalism was on its last legs, leaving even theologians in a desperate quest for religion without God. Rand's strategy, in "It Is Earlier Than You Think," was to prepare Objectivists to do battle with the Marxists - and to fill the vacuum when Marxism collapsed.
Marxism collapsed much earlier than anticipated: it disconfirmed itself with the implosion of Communism in the late 1980s, long before there were enough Objectivist academics to step in its place. The vacuum was filled by a resurgence (more by bloating from gaseous putrefaction than from intellectual revival) of supernaturalism and Pragmatism. Both supernaturalism and Pragmatism interpreted the disconfirmation of Marxism as showing that it was futile for the human mind to attempt a principled, and applicable, understanding of human existence on Earth. With Marxism deflated,and Objectivists still waiting for tenure, supernaturalism and Pragmatism - each complementing the other, with the effect of a Hegelian "synthesis in praxis" -took over the academy and the culture.
One effect of the supernaturalist-Pragmatist takeover of American education and culture is that the typical American of 2010 lives in a state not merely of value-deprivation, as was already the case in 1964, but of concept-deprivation. Americans no longer hold what had been, from the re-discovery of Aristotle and Archimedes in the Renaissance to the collapse of Marxism in the 1980s, the central idea of Western Civilization: that reality can be made sense of by the human mind. The function of Pragmatist schooling is to keep the student's mind from ever reaching what Piaget calls the stage of "abstract operations." This means that exposure to Ayn Rand and Objectivism in the public arena does not function as exposure to Objectivist ideas, which would undermine and displace the results of supernaturalist and Pragmatist indoctrinations in the mind of the listener. All that happens is that statements of Objectivist ideas are added (as slogans, not as ideas) to the existing inchoate slurry of supernatural-Pragmatist notions in the listener's head. Working for mere exposure of Objectivist ideas in the public arena today is futility in action.
Before it again becomes possible for the bulk of Americans to understand Objectivism, one must restore their ability to think in concepts and principles, and give them confidence that reality can be made sense of by the human mind.
How can this be most effectively done?
I expect every Objectivist to defend his or her values against existential threats, including threats from the realm of politics and culture. It is right for health care professionals to fight their prospective enslavement, for businessmen to fight against non-objective laws and arbitrary regulations, for teachers to fight for the rights of their students, and for everyone to fight for the right to speak and act according to the judgment of his or her individual mind. It is possible, and desirable, to use every argument not only to defend the specific values at stake, but to demonstrate, implicitly or explicitly, the power of Objectivist epistemology. To break a culture that associates principles with un-Earthly supernaturalism, and facts with anti-intellectual Pragmatism, the Objectivist's arguments should insist on, and exploit, the Objectivist linkage between ideas and the facts of reality. (I offer this Op-Ed of mine as an example of how the two can be and ought to be linked.) For many of us, including this linkage in our everyday activism can be the easiest way to infiltrate Objectivist epistemology into the minds of our fellows.
For Objectivist academics and teachers, the deliverable is to replace Pragmatist curricula, Pragmatist textbooks and Pragmatist assessments of knowledge with conceptual, principled curricula, books and tests in the fields, disciplines and schools in which we teach. (As a kind of "demonstration project," I am now in the process of writing, together with John Drake, a radically new, conceptual, principled introductory text in Information Systems.) Nearly any field of study, at just about any level, can be used to introduce students to the art of conceptual thought. I plan to write more about this in the near future.
And, for just about every Objectivist in America, there is the option of running for, and serving on, the local school board, where even one Objectivist may be able to replace at least some Pragmatist syllabi with principled texts that teach the application of abstract conceptual thinking to the solution of real-world problems. In some fields such schoolbooks already exist, in English - but only abroad, from Ireland or India or South Africa or Singapore. As a former elected member of a local school board, this is another topic about which I plan to write at some length.
As Ayn Rand often reminds us, the advocacy of Objectivism is primarily - before anything else - the advocacy of reason. We now live in a culture in which hardly anyone knows what reason is. This will make effective advocacy of Objectivism in the coming decades a demanding - and rewarding - project for every Objectivist.
Tuesday, January 05, 2010
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23 comments:
Adam,
Did you mean to link to your first blog post in the democide series or the essay on cloning? The former shows up...
I included one link to the series at the start; two links to Part III. All three show up correctly in my browser.
For correction, if needed, here is my summary, as concise as I can make it, of your essay:
1. To succeed, a strategy for a philosophically-motivated movement must be broad in its target while responding to the nature of the current enemy. For our time, the Objectivist movement should be broad in the sense that all individuals can fight for their particular interests (e.g., medicine or business), but also in the sense that each person's activism needs to have philosophical depth -- specifically by always incorporating the philosophical fundamentals, which means reason and reason's object, the lawful natural world.
2. Applying point 1, a particular opportunity for Objectivist educators (and those with a special interest in education) is to encourage the teaching of rational methods -- partly in order to help students become better able to assess rational philosophical ideas presented to them later.
Adam,
Nice post.
~Jason
Adam-
'Anarchism' is associated in the minds of most with the social anarchist left. While it is true that large portions of the libertarian movement have embraced anarchism, the factions that have done so have been very conservative, whose only relationship with modern social anarchism (itself a mix of the New Left, 1960s mass bohemia, and classical Proudhonian anarchism) has been an alliance of convenience on matters of foreign policy. They're two different groups with mostly accidental social and philosophical overlap. Serious social anarchists have called Rothbard's "anarcho-capitalism" an ahistorical fraud, and I mostly agree with them.
I'm not an anarchist, but my distrust of libertarian anarchism as a social reference group is due not to their anarchism (which is superficial and mostly a mindless parroting of Rothbard) but their deep conservatism. In my opinion, the severe danger of libertarianism is that its operational relativism has allowed decentralist conservatives who desire more social control of individual lives to pose as defenders of freedom so long as they oppose the actions of the Westphalian state, primarily the American state. This has increasingly blurred towards agrarian economics, neo-confederacy, antifeminism, concealed racism and antisemitism. At the extreme, this paleolibertarian wing of the movement has started to blur towards 'national anarchism', a truly evil (as in shoot on sight evil) synthesis of 'third positionist' postwar fascism and the worst elements of 19th century anarchism redecorated to appeal to alienated conservative youth, including the paleolibertarians.
A you yourself have mentioned, there is another wing of libertarianism- the Reason/Cato wing of libertarianism, who are seldom anarchists. In this case, my problem with them is that they focus on the liberatory aspects of contemporary liberal civilisation to the exclusion of any serious awareness of how dangerous the authoritarian situation is getting for everyone outside the orbit of the elite class.
There are also the left-libertarians, who I wrongly thought showed great promise for a time. They are almost always anarchists and they're usually indivudually in favour of reason and individualism, but their good intentions are vitiated by both libertarianism's poisonous operational relativism as well as the a historically senseless commitment to decentralism as a corollary to antiauthoritarianism. They're to a large degree a reincarnation of 1960s libertarianism, and my prediction is that they will also eventually prove powerless to prevent takeover by illiberal elements because they're not willing to make any hard commitments as to the nature and implications of their principles.
I don't share all of your assesments, but I encourage you to call out libertarianism's failures and betrayals. May I suggest that attention to the factional taxonomy of the groups involved will make it far easier for you to reach rational people within those movements who don't realise what their efforts are really supporting? Most libertarians will honestly not recognise themselves in your critique, and the better ones who might otherwise listen to you will just take this as yet more evidence that Randians are dismissively dogmatic.
Unlike you, I have no hope for the Objectivist movement, which as I see it has made Rand's philosophy into an apology of American statism and imperialism and bourgeois cultural conservatism and socioeconomic privilege. But I agree with you on libertarianism. But the movement is truly in a sorry and vulnerable intellectual state. For instance, widespread distribution of awareness of Rothbard's and Rockwell's gutter racism would do immense damage to libertarianism's ability to attract youthful idealists, or at least force it to take a stand on these issues, which would in turn force it to confront the consequences of its operational relativism.
Adam-
'Anarchism' is associated in the minds of most with the social anarchist left. While it is true that large portions of the libertarian movement have embraced anarchism, the factions that have done so have been very conservative, whose only relationship with modern social anarchism (itself a mix of the New Left, 1960s mass bohemia, and classical Proudhonian anarchism) has been an alliance of convenience on matters of foreign policy. They're two different groups with mostly accidental social and philosophical overlap. Serious social anarchists have called Rothbard's "anarcho-capitalism" an ahistorical fraud, and I mostly agree with them.
I'm not an anarchist, but my distrust of libertarian anarchism as a social reference group is due not to their anarchism (which is superficial and mostly a mindless parroting of Rothbard) but their deep conservatism. In my opinion, the severe danger of libertarianism is that its operational relativism has allowed decentralist conservatives who desire more social control of individual lives to pose as defenders of freedom so long as they oppose the actions of the Westphalian state, primarily the American state. This has increasingly blurred towards agrarian economics, neo-confederacy, antifeminism, concealed racism and antisemitism. At the extreme, this paleolibertarian wing of the movement has started to blur towards 'national anarchism', a truly evil (as in shoot on sight evil) synthesis of 'third positionist' postwar fascism and the worst elements of 19th century anarchism redecorated to appeal to alienated conservative youth, including the paleolibertarians.
A you yourself have mentioned, there is another wing of libertarianism- the Reason/Cato wing of libertarianism, who are seldom anarchists. In this case, my problem with them is that they focus on the liberatory aspects of contemporary liberal civilisation to the exclusion of any serious awareness of how dangerous the authoritarian situation is getting for everyone outside the orbit of the elite class.
There are also the left-libertarians, who I wrongly thought showed great promise for a time. They are almost always anarchists and they're usually indivudually in favour of reason and individualism, but their good intentions are vitiated by both libertarianism's poisonous operational relativism as well as the a historically senseless commitment to decentralism as a corollary to antiauthoritarianism. They're to a large degree a reincarnation of 1960s libertarianism, and my prediction is that they will also eventually prove powerless to prevent takeover by illiberal elements because they're not willing to make any hard commitments as to the nature and implications of their principles.
I don't share all of your assesments, but I encourage you to call out libertarianism's failures and betrayals. May I suggest that attention to the factional taxonomy of the groups involved will make it far easier for you to reach rational people within those movements who don't realise what their efforts are really supporting? Most libertarians will honestly not recognise themselves in your critique, and the better ones who might otherwise listen to you will just take this as yet more evidence that Randians are dismissively dogmatic.
Unlike you, I have no hope for the Objectivist movement, which as I see it has made Rand's philosophy into an apology of American statism and imperialism and bourgeois cultural conservatism and socioeconomic privilege. But I agree with you on libertarianism. But the movement is truly in a sorry and vulnerable intellectual state. For instance, widespread distribution of awareness of Rothbard's and Rockwell's gutter racism would do immense damage to libertarianism's ability to attract youthful idealists, or at least force it to take a stand on these issues, which would in turn force it to confront the consequences of its operational relativism.
Alice,
I'm not really all that interested in the phylogeny and classification of Libertarians (or, for that matter, of Conservatives or Socialists.) I'm mainly interested in the conceptual roots (that is why I used the term "radical") of politics. See
Craig Biddle's seminar video (Part 1 and Part 2.)
Adam-
I'm familiar with basic Objectivist rights theory. I'm not sure what elements of this presentation you might wish to call my attention to as relevant or decisive- the only point which really got my attention as requiring 'chewing' was Biddle's centreing the concept of rights around the use of one's own judgment.
My intellectual wanderings have recently begun to flirt a little with neuroscience, among other reasons because I've found that it's impossible to make political judgment calls without being able to accurately cut the cards of human interpersonal boundaries and comprehend our cognitive enabling conditions. Obectivists definitely get something crucially right in this area that libertarians don't, but I've not identified what precisely, and it's beyond obvious to me that most Objectivist individuals and organisations are at least as spiritually useless as their libertarian equivalents.
Do you have any idea what specific premise libertarians get wrong which leads them to defending decentralised closed societies, or being unable to take the stands necessary to prevent antiliberal elements from deciding the social terms? I agree that the issue is related to anarchism but the basic issue has to be more basic than politics, especially given that there's no clear relations between the best and worst libertarians and the degree of acceptance of anarchism.
I personally think it's a rhetorical mistake to dismiss an enemy in terms which don't understand him, or articulate sufficient reason for dismissing him. Objectivism usually speaks as if any honest observer will read Objectivist philosophy and then either intuit its truth or evade it. The practical result is a policy which doesn't try to engage or educate other minds but instead focuses on social ostracism. Even when I was a Pagan people never argued with me but just snubbed me; I finally changed when someone who'd earned the right to my spiritual trust did confront the issue and argued me into a corner. The reason I don't see any reason to accept Objectivist political positions is precisely because I've seldom encountered arguments that show me why any Objectivist policy recommendation would enhance *my* life. The conclusions that I have reached is that Objectivism can't offer me a better life because its priorities structurally subsume the priorities and experiences of social classes which interpret universalist principles in ways which naturalise existing socioeconomic privilege, which has in turn strongly fueled my increasing sense that rational human interests are regrettably not in harmonious accord.
Alice,
You write that recently you have "begun to flirt a little with neuroscience, among other reasons because I've found that it's impossible to make political judgment calls without being able to accurately cut the cards of human interpersonal boundaries and comprehend our cognitive enabling conditions."
So we have that in common: my background includes an MSc in neurobiology and a PhD in cognitive psychology. One of my first mentors was Robert Efron (the "father of cognitive neurology,") an early Objectivist and, I suspect, the person who taught Ayn Rand some of the cognitive science that went into her "Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology." You are looking in the right place. And yes, the issue is not at the level of politics ("Anarchism") but at the level of epistemology. The Libertarians' advocacy of closed decentralized societies is driven by a variant of subjectivism called "social construction theory." Searle's review of "social construction" theory in the September 24, 2009 issue of The New York Review of Books may be a good starting point on this.
You write, "I've seldom encountered arguments that show me why any Objectivist policy recommendation would enhance *my* life." Again, the question that should be asked is about epistemology, not policy. Political policy is just one specific application of Objectivist epistemology. It is far from being the most important applications in my own (dare I say successful?) life. One illustration of the usefulness of Ayn Rand's approach to epistemology, is the success of Object-Oriented software methodologies, which are based on Alan Kay's accidental re-discovery, six years after Ayn Rand wrote the "Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology," of just one aspect of her method. The products of that re-discovery include the applications and networks that we are using for this conversation.
As for priorities - we agree (and Ayn Rand frequently observed) that many of her self-identified "adherents" get their priorities wrong. The point is to get your own right. (And, if you find yourself burdened by some "inner maternalist," let go!)
Thank you most kindly for these thoughtful and very useful words. And yes, you are one of the few living people whose flourishing has been an inspiration to me, by showing me that flourishing individualism is possible. For my own part, I'm increasingly feeling an excited rush of realisation that this can be the norm for my own life.
Where we may feel differently is that I can never forget that my own fortune was as much a product of chance as of my virtues. Every one of us who has found a room of our own on some kind of stable high ground is living in a fortress today. The fate of thinking people outside such walls is increasingly a mournful howl of terror. I've seen so many people who did everything right shrivel under oppression and abandonment.
One question: whatever do you mean by 'inner maternalist'? I can think of three or four things you might mean by this, but nothing clearly gels in my mind.
Alice: What I mean by "internal maternalism" is the socially expected internalized generalization, from the family to the social system, of the parental perspective. This leads to feeling that the social system needs to be set up to "take care" of individuals (rather than letting individuals be free, and take individual responsibility for taking care of themselves and each other.)
You write, "my own fortune was as much a product of chance as of my virtues." Isn't everyone's? I spent the first 10 years of my life surviving under a Stalinist regime the likes of which are unknown today outside of North Korea. I have health problems that are directly traceable to this instance of chance. But, to the extent that I have achieved as good a life as (I think) I have in spite of those problems, it is because I did not expect anyone, other than myself (thank you, Ayn!) to "correct" the effects of chance on my life.
There is an elementary school in California called Vandamme Academy that teaches in such a way that the children are learning to think for themselves and connect dots to reach their own conclusions about any subject that they are studying. The head of the school, Lisa Vandamme, worked with Leonard Peikoff to create a curriculum that accomplishes this. I have been very interested in her work, and have been interested in opening my own school that accomplishes the same goal.
You are right - but a handful of schools can only educate a handful of students, and that won't be enough to turn the culture around. The long-term strategy would be write (or, more quickly, import or translate) principled, conceptual curricula for use by, eventually, thousands of schools. One importer/distributor willing to market across America textbooks published (in English) in India or Singapore would have the impact of a hundred schools...
You are so right, Adam. My main interest has been in trying to come up with a curriculum that achieves the same kind of success as Vandamme Academy. From research that I have done into our education system, great lengths have been taken to extend childhood as well as dumb down our kids. I work in early childhood (pre-school) right now, and even though I work in a corporation that has its own unique curriculum (which in my view begins the dumbing down process very early) I have implemented a few of my ideas and they have worked very well. I am currently trying to teach my own daughter, who is turning 4 next month, how to read. I would like to develop a curriculum that achieves what Vandamme has accomplished. I recognize that a well-written curriculum that can be distributed and used by many schools, thus achieving my goals on a wider scale.
Wow, Adam, those comments really range. But, none seem to focus on the effort to help people learn to think. Maybe your point.
While your point is more fundemental, I keep running into the fact that people really don't know much of anything, e.g., "Freedom is overrated." This is because they've been told that the U.S. is free, and what a mess we have, from which few people see a way out.
We need to teach how to think, what is freedom, what is morality, what is capitalism. We've got the tools, leadership, too. We just need to do it.
Alice,
Interesting comments. You write this:
"I have no hope for the Objectivist movement, which as I see it has made Rand's philosophy into an apology of American statism and imperialism and bourgeois cultural conservatism and socioeconomic privilege."
Could you explain what you mean by that? How does laissez-faire lead to imperialism, cultural conservatism and socioeconomic privilege? And what do you mean by socioeconomic privilege?
Regards,
MM
Adam-
I didn't notice your link to Searle's article. Very interesting.
Madmax-
Please forgive me if I don't know how to answer you without a long essay I don't have time to write, and without revisiting areas of my memory which contain more pain than I know how to overcome.
"How does laissez-faire lead to imperialism, cultural conservatism and socioeconomic privilege?"
My brief and simplified answer is "the Hell if I know, but it seems it does". Or, rather, I've given up on finding a cultural home which defends economic liberty in a way which doesn't look the other way to callous or inhumane treatment of youth, women, LGBT individuals, working class individuals, and/or people of colour. Twelve years of experience with the Objectivist and libertarian movements has convinced me that the only friends I can trust are on the Left. Throughout my life secular progressives have honoured the promises of their univeralist principles where market liberals have not. I realise that there are better individuals who truly mean the 'liberal' in 'market liberal', and I respect these individuals, but it's not enough, and I regret to tell you that in my context in regard to these questions the red ink has dried. May you be well.
Alice,
That was a non-answer. Without defining what you mean by any of your terms, I can only conclude that at heart you are a leftist that believes in social justice not genuine liberty. Your entire framework seems totally at odds with individual freedom.
Madmax-
I'm not an altruist, and I don't owe you anything, my friend, including my time or a conversation. Not wishing to take the time to debate something does not imply that one doesn't have reasons for one's ideas or choices, it just means that I have a life and more important work to do. I went out of my way to say that my words weren't and shouldn't be taken as a rationally convincing answer.
And you have only to look in the mirror and at the tone of what you just wrote to understand why I prefer the Left to libertarianism or Objectivism. They don't talk to me this way. And social justice vs. individual freedom is a false dichotomy, unless you believe it's anti-individualist to be strongly against racism, sexism, and other irrational but widely accepted social hierarchies. But again, I'd rather light bamboo under my nails than debate with you.
Alice - you write,
'"How does laissez-faire lead to imperialism, cultural conservatism and socioeconomic privilege?"
My brief and simplified answer is "the Hell if I know, but it seems it does". Or, rather, I've given up on finding a cultural home which defends economic liberty in a way which doesn't look the other way to callous or inhumane treatment of youth, women, LGBT individuals, working class individuals, and/or people of colour.'
Someday I'll write about this at greater length, but what you have experienced does not come from Objectivism, but rather from people mis-integrating Objectivism with their pre-Objectivist mental baggage. Unfortunately, Pragmatism is so pervasive in American (and, more generally, Anglophone) education that most people who self-identify as Objectivists do not think conceptually enough to refrain from such mis-integration. The attitude comes from the foundations of the Christian/Moslem/Hindu worldviews, but it is also found among those Atheists/Humanists who pragmatically absorb their "intuitions" from the surrounding Christian/Moslem/Hindu cultures. This has not been a priority for me to write about, but I will eventually.
You find less of this on the Left because, historically, the Left has been more conceptual than the "right," and also more radical in the intellectual sense of tracing ideas to their roots. And therefore more explicit in rejecting attitudes (as well as ideas) rooted in supernaturalism.
Adam
Thank you for your thought provoking post. I am a school board member in Perth, Western Australia (although not an educationalist, I am a lawyer). I am interested in Objectivist activism generally, and in education in particular. What are the non-Pragmatist texts you refer to? Are there any Australian educationalists who have written non-pragmatist texts? Thanks very much. Reply by posting to your blog or to my gmail markh9488@gmail.com.
Mark Hemery
Do you have any thoughts about how to assess a culture's current level of objectivity ?
Ideally I'd like to see some kind of numerical value so that we could see the trend over time and get some idea of how effective our efforts are.
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